Faculty Bibliography

A recent article in New York Magazine echoed what psychological studies of parenthood have consistently demonstrated since the 1970s: "Most people assume that having children will make them happier. Yet a wide variety of academic research shows that parents are not happier than their childless peers, and in many cases are less so" (Senior, 2010). There is consistent evidence that, as opposed to other life events that cause transient disruptions in life satisfaction, becoming a parent appears to cause harm to individual subjective well-being (Twenge, Campbell, & Foster, 2003), and that this harm is sustained over time (Clark, Diener, Georgellis, & Lucas, 2008). The current investigation was predicated on the concern that these findings may be the result of the methodology used to examine them. As the experience of parenthood does not represent a unified phenomenon, we employed a methodological approach that allows for the exploration of heterogeneity as well as its predictors. By modeling heterogeneous trajectories within a prospective design from 4 years prior to 4 years after the birth of a parent's first child, we find that the majority of individuals (84.2%) demonstrate no long-term effects on life satisfaction in response to childbirth. Only a small percentage demonstrate the sustained declines (7.2%), and a significant cohort, previously unobserved in the literature, demonstrate dramatic and sustained improvements in response to parenthood (4.3%), providing compelling evidence for heterogeneity in life satisfaction among parents. Key demographic covariates that distinguish between trajectories of response are also explored.

Though August Aichhorn, in name, remains a significant figure in the history of psychoanalysis, his ideas have been all but abandoned in the modern clinical conception of the treatment of children and adolescents who act out. The current treatment of children and adolescents, so disturbed that their behavior demands treatment outside of their home environment, is currently rudderless and highly dependent on broad societal counter-transferential reactions to disturbed youth. We argue that not only does Aichhorn hold a distinguished position in the history of the treatment of youngsters, but that his ideas about the meaning of severely disruptive behavior as well as the techniques which align with those theories remain relevant and, if utilized, would improve the treatment of severely disturbed youth.

The third edition of the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-III; 1974) not only revolutionized psychiatric diagnosis, it transformed and dominated American psychiatry. The nosology of psychiatry had been conceptually confusing, difficult to apply, and bound to widely questioned theories. Psychiatry and clinical psychology had been struggling with their scientific status. DSM attempted to solve psychiatry's problems by making psychiatry more like its authors' perception of general medicine. It tried to avoid theory, especially psychoanalytic theories, by discussing only observable manifestations of disorders. But DSM is actually highly theory-bound. It implicitly and powerfully includes an exclusively "medical" model of psychological disturbance, while excluding other psychiatric ideas. Its authors tried to meet what they saw as "scientific standards." To a surprising extent, DSM reflects its creators' personal distaste for psychoanalysis. The result is that DSM rests on a narrow philosophical perspective. The consequences of its adoption are widespread: it has profoundly affected drug development and other therapeutic studies, psychiatric education, attitudes toward patients, the public perception of psychiatry, and administrative and legal decisions. This article explores how DSM's most problematic features arise from its history in psychiatric controversies of the 1960s and its underlying positivistic philosophy.