Faculty Bibliography

Research in developmental psychology requires sampling at different time points. Accurate depictions of developmental change provide a foundation for further empirical studies and theories about developmental mechanisms. However, overreliance on widely spaced sampling intervals in cross-sectional and longitudinal designs threatens the validity of the enterprise. This article discusses how to sample development in order to accurately discern the shape of developmental change. The ideal solution is daunting: to summarize behavior over 24-hour intervals and collect daily samples over the critical periods of change. We discuss the magnitude of errors due to undersampling, and the risks associated with oversampling. When daily sampling is not feasible, we offer suggestions for sampling methods that can provide preliminary reference points and provisional sketches of the general shape of a developmental trajectory. Denser sampling then can be applied strategically during periods of enhanced variability, inflections in the rate of developmental change, or in relation to key events or processes that may affect the course of change. Despite the challenges of dense repeated sampling, researchers must take seriously the problem of sampling on a developmental time scale if we are to know the true shape of developmental change.

The current study showed that visual fixation of obstacles is not required for rapid and adaptive navigation of obstacles. Children and adults wore a wireless, head-mounted eye-tracker during a visual search task in a room cluttered with obstacles. They spontaneously walked, jumped, and ran through the room, stepping up, down, and over obstacles. Both children and adults navigated adaptively without fixating obstacles, however, adults fixated less often than children. We discuss several possibilities for why obstacle navigation may shift from foveal to peripheral control over development.

We investigated the effect of action performance on perceptual judgments by evaluating accuracy in judging whether doorways allowed passage. Participants made judgments either before or after walking through doorways of varying widths. Participants in the action-first group benefited from action feedback and made more accurate judgments compared to a perception-first group that judged doorways before walking through them. Action feedback aided perceptual judgments by facilitating scaling to body dimensions: Judgments in the action-first group were strongly related to height, weight, and torso size, whereas judgments in the perception-first group were not.

In uncertain situations such as descending challenging slopes, social signals from caregivers can provide infants with important information for guiding action. Previous work showed that 18-month-old walking infants use social information selectively, only when risk of falling is uncertain. Experiment 1 was designed to alter infants' region of uncertainty for walking down slopes. Slippery Teflon-soled shoes drastically impaired 18-month-olds' ability to walk down slopes compared with walking barefoot or in standard crepe-soled shoes, shifting the region of uncertainty to a shallower range of slopes. In Experiment 2, infants wore Teflon-soled shoes while walking down slopes as their mothers encouraged and discouraged them from walking. Infants relied on social information on shallow slopes, even at 0 degrees , where the probability of walking successfully was uncertain in the Teflon-soled shoes. Findings indicate that infants' use of social information is dynamically attuned to situational factors and the state of their current abilities.

Using a means-means-ends problem-solving task, this study examined whether 16-month-old walking infants (N = 28) took into account the width of a bridge as a means for crossing a precipice and the location of a handrail as a means for augmenting balance on a narrow bridge. Infants were encouraged to cross from one platform to another over narrow and wide bridges located at various distances from a wooden handrail. Infants attempted to walk over the wide bridge more often than the narrow one and when the handrail was within reach. Infants demonstrated parallel problem solving by modifying exploratory behaviors and bridge-crossing strategies that simultaneously accounted for the spatial and functional relations between body and bridge, body and handrail, and bridge and handrail.

Three experiments investigated whether 14- and 15-month-old infants use information for both friction and slant for prospective control of locomotion down slopes. In Experiment 1, high- and low-friction conditions were interleaved on a range of shallow and steep slopes. In Experiment 2, friction conditions were blocked. In Experiment 3, the low-friction surface was visually distinct from the surrounding high-friction surface. In all three experiments, infants could walk down steeper slopes in the high-friction condition than they could in the low-friction condition. Infants detected affordances for walking down slopes in the high-friction condition, but in the low-friction condition, they attempted impossibly slippery slopes and fell repeatedly. In both friction conditions, when infants paused to explore slopes, they were less likely to attempt slopes beyond their ability. Exploration was elicited by visual information for slant (Experiments 1 and 2) or by a visually distinct surface that marked the change in friction (Experiment 3).

Motor development - traditionally studied in WEIRD populations - falls victim to assumptions of universality similar to other domains described by Henrich et al. However, cross-cultural research illustrates the extraordinary diversity that is normal in motor skill acquisition. Indeed, motor development provides an important domain for evaluating cultural challenges to a general behavioral science