Faculty Bibliography

Background:We studied the association between sex in exchange for money, drugs or goods and HIV for women who inject drugs (WWID) in Ukraine, as previous data on this association from the post-USSR region are contradictory. Methods:Data come from the Integrated Bio-Behavioral Survey of Ukrainian people who inject drugs collected in 2011 using respondent-driven sampling. Participants were interviewed and tested with rapid HIV tests. Results:The sample included 2465 WWID (24% HIV positive); 214 (8.7%) of which reported having had exchange sex during the last 90 days. Crude analysis showed no association between exchange sex and HIV (OR = 0.644; 95% CI 0.385-1.077). No confounders were found to alter this result in a multivariable analysis. Further modeling showed that exchange sex modifies association between HIV and alcohol use: no association between HIV and daily alcohol use was found for those women who exchanged sex (OR = 1.699, 95% CI 0.737-3.956); while not engaging in sex work and daily using alcohol reduced odds to be HIV infected (OR = 0.586, 95% CI 0.389-0.885). Conclusions:Exchange sex may have less impact on the HIV status of WWID who are exposed to injecting risks. The finding that daily alcohol use appears protective against HIV among WWID who do not exchange sex requires more research.

The hidden barriers, or 'gender pay gap', preventing women from earning equivalent incomes to men is well documented. Yet recent research has uncovered that, in Britain, there is also a comparable class-origin pay gap in higher professional and managerial occupations. So far this analysis has only been conducted at the national level and it is not known whether there are regional differences within the UK. This paper uses pooled data from the 2014 and 2015 Labour Force Survey (N = 7,534) to stage a more spatially sensitive analysis that examines regional variation in the class pay gap. We find that this 'class ceiling' is not evenly spatially distributed. Instead it is particularly marked in Central London, where those in high-status occupations who are from working-class backgrounds earn, on average, £10,660 less per year than those whose parents were in higher professional and managerial employment. Finally, we inspect the Capital further to reveal that the class pay gap is largest within Central London's banking and finance sector. Challenging policy conceptions of London as the 'engine room' of social mobility, these findings suggest that class disadvantage within high-status occupations is particularly acute in the Capital. The findings also underline the value of investigating regional differences in social mobility, and demonstrate how such analysis can unravel important and previously unrecognized spatial dimensions of class inequality.

Attacks on peoples' dignity help to produce and maintain stigmatization and interpersonal hostility. As part of an effort to develop innovative measures of possible pathways between structural interventions or socially-disruptive Big Events and HIV outbreaks, we developed items to measure dignity denial. These measures were administered to 300 people who inject drugs (PWID), 260 high-risk heterosexuals who do not inject drugs, and 191 men who have sex with men who do not inject drugs (MSM). All of the PWID and many of the high risk heterosexuals and MSM were referred to our study in 2012-2015 by a large New York city study that used respondent-driven sampling; the others were recruited by chain-referral. Members of all three key populations experienced attacks on their dignity fairly often and also reported frequently seeing others' dignity being attacked. Relatives are major sources of dignity attacks. MSM were significantly more likely to report having their dignity attacked by police officers than were the other groups. 40 % or more of each key population reported that dignity attacks are followed "sometimes" or more often both by using more drugs and also by using more alcohol. Dignity attacks and their health effects require more research and creative interventions, some of which might take untraditional forms like social movements.

BACKGROUND: Benzodiazepines are a widely prescribed psychoactive drug; in the U.S., both medical and nonmedical use of benzodiazepines has increased markedly in the past 15 years. Long-term use can lead to tolerance and dependence, and abrupt withdrawal can cause seizures or other life-threatening symptoms. Benzodiazepines are often used nonmedically in conjunction with other drugs, and with opioids in particular-a combination that can increase the risk for fatal and non-fatal overdose. This mixed-methods study examines nonmedical use of benzodiazepines among young adults in New York City and its relationship with opioid use. METHODS: For qualitative analysis, 46 90-minute semi-structured interviews were conducted with young adult opioid users (ages 18-32). Interviews were transcribed and coded for key themes. For quantitative analysis, 464 young adult opioid users (ages 18-29) were recruited using Respondent-Driven Sampling and completed structured interviews. Benzodiazepine use was assessed via a self-report questionnaire that included measures related to nonmedical benzodiazepine and opioid use. RESULTS: Participants reported using benzodiazepines nonmedically for a wide variety of reasons, including: to increase the high of other drugs; to lessen withdrawal symptoms; and to come down from other drugs. Benzodiazepines were described as readily available and cheap. There was a high prevalence (93%) of nonmedical benzodiazepine use among nonmedical opioid users, with 57% reporting regular nonmedical use. In bivariate analyses, drug-related risk behaviours such as polysubstance use, drug binging, heroin injection and overdose were strongly associated with regular nonmedical benzodiazepine use. In multivariate analysis, growing up in a middle-income household (earning between $51,000 and $100,000 annually), lifetime overdose experience, having ever used cocaine regularly, having ever been prescribed benzodiazepines, recent drug binging, and encouraging fellow drug users to use benzodiazepines to cope with opioid withdrawal were consistently strong predictors of regular nonmedical benzodiazepine use. CONCLUSION: Nonmedical benzodiazepine use may be common among nonmedical opioid users due to its drug-related multi-functionality. Harm reduction messages should account for the multiple functions benzodiazepines serve in a drug-using context, and encourage drug users to tailor their endorsement of benzodiazepines to peers to include safer alternatives.

BACKGROUND:People who inject drugs (PWID) are at continued risk for HIV in the U.S., and experience disparities across the HIV care continuum compared to other high-risk groups. Estimates of the risk of HIV transmission at each stage of the care continuum may assist in identifying public health priorities for averting incident infections among PWID, in addition to transmissions to sexual partners of PWID. METHODS:We created an agent-based model simulating HIV transmission and the HIV care continuum for PWID in New York City (NYC) in 2012. To account for sexual transmission arising from PWID to non-PWID, the simulation included the entire adult NYC population. Using surveillance data and estimates from the National HIV Behavioral Surveillance system, we simulated a dynamic sexual and injecting network. We estimated the proportion of HIV transmission events attributable to PWID in the following categories, those: without an HIV diagnosis ('Undiagnosed'); diagnosed but not on antiretroviral therapy (ART) ('Diagnosed - not on ART'); those who initiated ART but were not virally suppressed ('Unsuppressed'); and, those who achieved viral suppression ('Suppressed'). RESULTS:We estimated HIV incidence among PWID to be 113 per 100,000 person-years in 2012, with an overall incidence rate for the entire adult NYC population of 33 per 100,000 person-years. Despite accounting for only 33% of the HIV-infected PWID population, the Undiagnosed were associated with 52.6% (95% simulation interval [95% SI]: 47.1-57.0%) of total transmission events. The Diagnosed - not on ART population contributed the second-largest proportion of HIV transmissions, with 36.6% (95% SI: 32.2-41.5%). The Unsuppressed population contributed 8.7% (95% SI: 5.6-11.8%), and Suppressed 2.1% (95% SI: 1.1-3.9%), relatively little of overall transmission. CONCLUSIONS:Among PWID in NYC, more than half (53%) of transmissions were from those who were unaware of their infection status and more than 36% were due to PWID who knew their status, but were not on treatment. Our results indicate the importance of early diagnosis and interventions to engage diagnosed PWID on treatment to further suppress population-level HIV transmission. Future HIV prevention research should focus on the elimination of identified and potential barriers to the testing, diagnosis, and retention of PWID on HIV treatment.

OBJECTIVES:To examine whether racial/ethnic disparities persist at the "end of the HIV epidemic" (prevalence of untreated HIV infection < 5%; HIV incidence < 0.5 per 100 person-years) among persons who inject drugs (PWID) in New York City. METHODS:We recruited 2404 PWID entering New York City substance use treatment in 2001 to 2005 and 2011 to 2015. We conducted a structured interview, and testing for HIV and herpes simplex virus 2 (HSV-2; a biomarker for high sexual risk). We estimated incidence by using newly diagnosed cases of HIV. Disparity analyses compared HIV, untreated HIV, HIV-HSV-2 coinfection, HIV monoinfection, and estimated HIV incidence among Whites, African Americans, and Latinos. RESULTS:By 2011 to 2015, Whites, African Americans, and Latino/as met both criteria of our operational "end-of-the-epidemic" definition. All comparisons that included HIV-HSV-2-coinfected persons had statistically significant higher rates of HIV among racial/ethnic minorities. No comparisons limited to HIV monoinfected persons were significant. CONCLUSIONS:"End-of-the-epidemic" criteria were met among White, African American, and Latino/a PWID in New York City, but elimination of disparities may require a greater focus on PWID with high sexual risk.

BACKGROUND:Housing instability has been associated with poor health outcomes among people who inject drugs (PWID). This study investigates the associations of local-level housing and economic conditions with homelessness among a large sample of PWID, which is an underexplored topic to date. METHODS:PWID in this cross-sectional study were recruited from 19 large cities in the USA as part of National HIV Behavioral Surveillance. PWID provided self-reported information on demographics, behaviours and life events. Homelessness was defined as residing on the street, in a shelter, in a single room occupancy hotel, or in a car or temporarily residing with friends or relatives any time in the past year. Data on county-level rental housing unaffordability and demand for assisted housing units, and ZIP code-level gentrification (eg, index of percent increases in non-Hispanic white residents, household income, gross rent from 1990 to 2009) and economic deprivation were collected from the US Census Bureau and Department of Housing and Urban Development. Multilevel models evaluated the associations of local economic and housing characteristics with homelessness. RESULTS:Sixty percent (5394/8992) of the participants reported homelessness in the past year. The multivariable model demonstrated that PWID living in ZIP codes with higher levels of gentrification had higher odds of homelessness in the past year (gentrification: adjusted OR=1.11, 95% CI=1.04 to 1.17). CONCLUSIONS:Additional research is needed to determine the mechanisms through which gentrification increases homelessness among PWID to develop appropriate community-level interventions.

Background:A "seek-test-treat" intervention (ARISTOTLE) was implemented in response to an outbreak of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection among persons who inject drugs (PWID) in Athens. We assess trends in HIV incidence, prevalence, risk behaviors and access to prevention/treatment. Methods:Methods included behavioral data collection, provision of injection equipment, HIV testing, linkage to opioid substitution treatment (OST) programs and HIV care during 5 rounds of respondent-driven sampling (2012-2013). HIV incidence was estimated from observed seroconversions. Results:Estimated coverage of the target population was 88% (71%-100%; 7113 questionnaires/blood samples from 3320 PWID). The prevalence of HIV infection was 16.5%. The incidence per 100 person-years decreased from 7.8 (95% confidence interval, 4.6-13.1) (2012) to 1.7 (0.55-5.31) (2013; P for trend = .001). Risk factors for seroconversion were frequency of injection, homelessness, and history of imprisonment. Injection at least once daily declined from 45.2% to 18.8% (P < .001) and from 36.8% to 26.0% (P = .007) for sharing syringes, and the proportion of undiagnosed HIV infection declined from 84.3% to 15.0% (P < .001). Current OST increased from 12.2% to 27.7% (P < .001), and 48.4% of unlinked seropositive participants were linked to HIV care through 2013. Repeat participants reported higher rates of adequate syringe coverage, linkage to HIV care and OST. Conclusions:Multiple evidence-based interventions delivered through rapid recruitment in a large proportion of the population of PWID are likely to have helped mitigate this HIV outbreak.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS:Despite advances in our knowledge of effective services for people who use drugs over the last decades globally, coverage remains poor in most countries, while quality is often unknown. This paper aims to discuss the historical development of successful epidemiological indicators and to present a framework for extending them with additional indicators of coverage and quality of harm reduction services, for monitoring and evaluation at international, national or subnational levels. The ultimate aim is to improve these services in order to reduce health and social problems among people who use drugs, such as human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and hepatitis C virus (HCV) infection, crime and legal problems, overdose (death) and other morbidity and mortality. METHODS AND RESULTS:The framework was developed collaboratively using consensus methods involving nominal group meetings, review of existing quality standards, repeated email commenting rounds and qualitative analysis of opinions/experiences from a broad range of professionals/experts, including members of civil society and organisations representing people who use drugs. Twelve priority candidate indicators are proposed for opioid agonist therapy (OAT), needle and syringe programmes (NSP) and generic cross-cutting aspects of harm reduction (and potentially other drug) services. Under the specific OAT indicators, priority indicators included 'coverage', 'waiting list time', 'dosage' and 'availability in prisons'. For the specific NSP indicators, the priority indicators included 'coverage', 'number of needles/syringes distributed/collected', 'provision of other drug use paraphernalia' and 'availability in prisons'. Among the generic or cross-cutting indicators the priority indicators were 'infectious diseases counselling and care', 'take away naloxone', 'information on safe use/sex' and 'condoms'. We discuss conditions for the successful development of the suggested indicators and constraints (e.g. funding, ideology). We propose conducting a pilot study to test the feasibility and applicability of the proposed indicators before their scaling up and routine implementation, to evaluate their effectiveness in comparing service coverage and quality across countries. CONCLUSIONS:The establishment of an improved set of validated and internationally agreed upon best practice indicators for monitoring harm reduction service will provide a structural basis for public health and epidemiological studies and support evidence and human rights-based health policies, services and interventions.