Faculty Bibliography

Sentence production is the uniquely human ability to transform complex thoughts into strings of words. Despite the importance of this process, language production research has primarily focused on single words. It remains an untested assumption that insights from this literature generalize to more naturalistic utterances like sentences. Here, we investigate this using high-resolution neurosurgical recordings (ECoG) and an overt production experiment where patients produce six words in isolation (picture naming) and in sentences (scene description). We trained machine learning models to identify the unique brain activity pattern for each word during picture naming, and used these patterns to decode which words patients were processing while they produced sentences. Our findings reveal that words share cortical representations across tasks. In sensorimotor cortex, words were consistently activated in the order in which they were said in the sentence. However, in inferior and middle frontal gyri (IFG and MFG), the order in which words were processed depended on the syntactic structure of the sentence. This dynamic interplay between sentence structure and word processing reveals that sentence production is not simply a sequence of single word production tasks, and highlights a regional division of labor within the language network. Finally, we argue that the dynamics of word processing in prefrontal cortex may impose a subtle pressure on language evolution, explaining why nearly all the world's languages position subjects before objects.

The ability to connect the form and meaning of a concept, known as word retrieval, is fundamental to human communication. While various input modalities could lead to identical word retrieval, the exact neural dynamics supporting this convergence relevant to daily auditory discourse remain poorly understood. Here, we leveraged neurosurgical electrocorticographic (ECoG) recordings from 48 patients and dissociated two key language networks that highly overlap in time and space integral to word retrieval. Using unsupervised temporal clustering techniques, we found a semantic processing network located in the middle and inferior frontal gyri. This network was distinct from an articulatory planning network in the inferior frontal and precentral gyri, which was agnostic to input modalities. Functionally, we confirmed that the semantic processing network encodes word surprisal during sentence perception. Our findings characterize how humans integrate ongoing auditory semantic information over time, a critical linguistic function from passive comprehension to daily discourse.

Syntax, the abstract structure of language, is a hallmark of human cognition. Despite its importance, its neural underpinnings remain obscured by inherent limitations of non-invasive brain measures and a near total focus on comprehension paradigms. Here, we address these limitations with high-resolution neurosurgical recordings (electrocorticography) and a controlled sentence production experiment. We uncover three syntactic networks that are broadly distributed across traditional language regions, but with focal concentrations in middle and inferior frontal gyri. In contrast to previous findings from comprehension studies, these networks process syntax mostly to the exclusion of words and meaning, supporting a cognitive architecture with a distinct syntactic system. Most strikingly, our data reveal an unexpected property of syntax: it is encoded independent of neural activity levels. We propose that this "low-activity coding" scheme represents a novel mechanism for encoding information, reserved for higher-order cognition more broadly.

When we vocalize, our brain distinguishes self-generated sounds from external ones. A corollary discharge signal supports this function in animals; however, in humans, its exact origin and temporal dynamics remain unknown. We report electrocorticographic recordings in neurosurgical patients and a connectivity analysis framework based on Granger causality that reveals major neural communications. We find a reproducible source for corollary discharge across multiple speech production paradigms localized to the ventral speech motor cortex before speech articulation. The uncovered discharge predicts the degree of auditory cortex suppression during speech, its well-documented consequence. These results reveal the human corollary discharge source and timing with far-reaching implication for speech motor-control as well as auditory hallucinations in human psychosis.

Sound structures such as phonemes and words have highly variable durations. Thus, there is a fundamental difference between integrating across absolute time (e.g., 100 ms) vs. sound structure (e.g., phonemes). Auditory and cognitive models have traditionally cast neural integration in terms of time and structure, respectively, but the extent to which cortical computations reflect time or structure remains unknown. To answer this question, we rescaled the duration of all speech structures using time stretching/compression and measured integration windows in the human auditory cortex using a new experimental/computational method applied to spatiotemporally precise intracranial recordings. We observed significantly longer integration windows for stretched speech, but this lengthening was very small (~5%) relative to the change in structure durations, even in non-primary regions strongly implicated in speech-specific processing. These findings demonstrate that time-yoked computations dominate throughout the human auditory cortex, placing important constraints on neurocomputational models of structure processing.

Effective communication hinges on a mutual understanding of word meaning in different contexts. We recorded brain activity using electrocorticography during spontaneous, face-to-face conversations in five pairs of epilepsy patients. We developed a model-based coupling framework that aligns brain activity in both speaker and listener to a shared embedding space from a large language model (LLM). The context-sensitive LLM embeddings allow us to track the exchange of linguistic information, word by word, from one brain to another in natural conversations. Linguistic content emerges in the speaker's brain before word articulation and rapidly re-emerges in the listener's brain after word articulation. The contextual embeddings better capture word-by-word neural alignment between speaker and listener than syntactic and articulatory models. Our findings indicate that the contextual embeddings learned by LLMs can serve as an explicit numerical model of the shared, context-rich meaning space humans use to communicate their thoughts to one another.

Recent research has used large language models (LLMs) to study the neural basis of naturalistic language processing in the human brain. LLMs have rapidly grown in complexity, leading to improved language processing capabilities. However, neuroscience researchers haven't kept up with the quick progress in LLM development. Here, we utilized several families of transformer-based LLMs to investigate the relationship between model size and their ability to capture linguistic information in the human brain. Crucially, a subset of LLMs were trained on a fixed training set, enabling us to dissociate model size from architecture and training set size. We used electrocorticography (ECoG) to measure neural activity in epilepsy patients while they listened to a 30-minute naturalistic audio story. We fit electrode-wise encoding models using contextual embeddings extracted from each hidden layer of the LLMs to predict word-level neural signals. In line with prior work, we found that larger LLMs better capture the structure of natural language and better predict neural activity. We also found a log-linear relationship where the encoding performance peaks in relatively earlier layers as model size increases. We also observed variations in the best-performing layer across different brain regions, corresponding to an organized language processing hierarchy.

INTRODUCTION/UNASSIGNED:-variant carrier status will help target genetic testing in clinical settings where cost and access limit its availability. METHODS/UNASSIGNED:variant carrier status. The model was cross-validated across the two cohorts. RESULTS/UNASSIGNED:variants in the PPMI cohort and study cohort (AUC 0.897 and 0.738, respectively). The PPMI cohort model successfully generalized to the study cohort data using both MDS-UPDRS scores and binomial data (AUC 0.740 and 0.734, respectively) while the study cohort model did not. CONCLUSIONS/UNASSIGNED:variants.