Faculty Bibliography

Traditionally considered lowbrow art par excellence, British comedy has grown steadily in legitimacy since the 'Alternative Comedy Movement' of the early 1980s. Yet while there might be evidence of a transformation in British comic production, there is little understanding of how this has been reflected in patterns of consumption. Indeed, there is a remarkable absence of studies probing comedy taste in British cultural sociology, most notably in Bennett et al's (2009) recent and otherwise exhaustive mapping of cultural taste and participation. This paper aims to plug this gap in the literature by examining contemporary comedy taste cultures in Britain. Drawing on a large-scale survey and in-depth interviews carried out at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe, it argues that comedy now represents an emerging field for the culturally privileged to activate their cultural capital resources. However, unlike previous studies on cultural capital and taste, this research finds that field-specific 'comic cultural capital' is mobilized less through taste for certain legitimate 'objects' of comedy and more through the expression of rarefied and somewhat 'disinterested'styles of comic appreciation. In short, it is 'embodied' rather than 'objectified' forms of cultural capital that largely distinguish the privileged in the field of comedy.

This article discusses relevant literature on group sex events--defined as events at which some people have sex with more than one partner--as risk environments, with a particular focus on group sex events where people who take drugs by non-injection routes of administration participate and where the event is not primarily LGBT-identified, at a "classic" crack house, nor in a brothel. It also briefly presents some findings from a small ethnography of such events. Group sex participation by people who take drugs by non-injection routes of administration seems to be widespread. It involves both behavioural and network risk for HIV and STI infection, including documented high-risk behaviour and sexual mixing of STI- and HIV-infected people with those who are uninfected. Indeed several HIV and STI outbreaks have been documented as based on such group sex events. Further, group sex events often serve as potential bridge environments that may allow infections to pass from members of one high-risk-behavioural category to another, and to branch out through these people's sexual and/or injection networks to other members of the local community. The ethnographic data presented here suggest a serious possibility of "third party transmission" of infectious agents between people who do not have sex with each other. This can occur even when condoms are consistently used since condoms and sex toys are sometimes used with different people without being removed or cleaned, and since fingers and mouths come into contact with mucosal surfaces of other members of the same or opposite sex. In addition to being risk environments, many of these group sex events are venues where risk-reducing norms, activities and roles are present--which lays the basis for harm reduction interventions. Research in more geographical locations is needed so we can better understand risks associated with group sex events in which drug users participate--and, in particular, how both participants and others can intervene effectively to reduce the risks posed to participants and non-participants by these group sex events. Such interventions are needed and should be developed.

States across the U.S. lack effective ways to quantify HIV prevalence rates among men who have sex with men (MSM). We estimated population-based HIV prevalence rates among MSM in the 17 southern states by race/ethnicity. Through 2007, estimated HIV prevalence rates per 100,000 MSM ranged from 2,607.6 among white (non-Hispanic) MSM in Maryland to 41,512.9 among black (non-Hispanic) MSM in the District of Columbia. Black MSM rates significantly exceeded Hispanic and white MSM rates in each state. Significant racial/ethnic disparities in rates persisted in a sensitivity analysis examining the possibility that minority MSM populations had been underestimated in each state. Compared with black, Hispanic, and white non-MSM males, respectively, rates at the regional level were 25.2 times higher for black MSM, 43.0 times higher for Hispanic MSM, and 106.0 times higher for white MSM. State-level analysis of racial/ethnic-specific MSM HIV prevalence rates can help guide resource allocation and assist advocacy.

Noninjecting heroin users (NIUs) were recruited in New York City during 1996-2003. Cumulative logistic regression was used to analyze the correlates of HIV sexual risk from injecting drug users (IDUs) among HIV seronegative NIUs engaging in heterosexual vaginal or anal sex in the past 30 days (N = 347). Participants were 67% male and 70% African American or Latino, with a mean age of 32.6 years. Hierarchical categories of IDU partner sexual risk included (1) no unprotected sex and no IDU sex partners (21%), (2) unprotected sex but not with IDUs (55%), (3) IDU sex partners but no unprotected sex with them (6%), and (4) unprotected sex with IDUs (17%). Independent correlates (p < .05) of HIV sexual risk from IDU partners included female versus male gender (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.01), ex-IDU versus never IDU (AOR = 1.90), and lower versus higher perceived social distance from IDUs (AOR = 1.60). Interventions should target female NIUs, ex-IDUs, and NIU members of IDU social and sexual networks. The study's limitations are noted.

OBJECTIVES/OBJECTIVE:Men who have sex with men (MSM) bear the greatest burden of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in every state in the U.S., but their populations are poorly defined. We estimated and compared populations of MSM in 2007 by region, state, and race/ethnicity. METHODS:We averaged findings from two statistical models we had previously developed to estimate the total state-specific percentage and number of males who were MSM. The models were based, respectively, on state-specific rural/ suburban/urban characteristics and an index using state-specific household census data on same-sex male unmarried partners. A third model, based on racial/ethnic ratios from a nationally representative behavioral survey, partitioned these statewide numbers by race/ethnicity. RESULTS:Of an estimated 7.1 million MSM residing in the U.S. in 2007, 71.4% (5.1 million) were white, 15.9% (1.1 million) were Hispanic, 8.9% (635,000) were black, 2.7% (191,000) were Asian, 0.4% (26,000) were American Indian/Alaska Native, 0.1% (6,000) were Native Hawaiian/other Pacific Islander, and 0.6% (41,000) were of multiple/unknown race/ethnicity. The overall U.S. percentage of males who were MSM (6.4%) varied from 3.3% in South Dakota to 13.2% in the District of Columbia, which we treated as a state. Estimated numbers of MSM ranged from 9,612 in Wyoming to 1,104,805 in California. CONCLUSIONS:Plausible estimates of MSM populations by state and race/ethnicity can inform and guide HIV/AIDS surveillance, allocation of resources, and advocacy. They can help in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of HIV prevention programs and other services. Using MSM numbers as denominators, estimates of population-based MSM HIV incidence, prevalence, and mortality rates could help clarify national and state-level epidemic dynamics. Until corroborated by other modeling and/or empirical research, these estimates should be used with caution.

BACKGROUND:In some countries, "Big Events" like crises and transitions have been followed by large increases in drug use, drug injection and HIV/AIDS. Argentina experienced an economic crisis and political transition in 2001/2002 that affected how people use their time. This paper studies how time use changes between years 2001 and 2004, subsequent to these events, were associated with drug consumption in poor neighbourhoods of Greater Buenos Aires. METHODS:In 2003-2004, 68 current injecting drug users (IDUs) and 235 young non-IDUs, aged 21-35, who lived in impoverished drug-impacted neighbourhoods in Greater Buenos Aires, were asked about time use then and in 2001. Data on weekly hours spent working or looking for work, doing housework/childcare, consuming drugs, being with friends, and hanging out in the neighbourhood, were studied in relation to time spent using drugs. Field observations and focus groups were also conducted. RESULTS:After 2001, among both IDUs and non-IDUs, mean weekly time spent working declined significantly (especially among IDUs); time spent looking for work increased, and time spent with friends and hanging out in the neighbourhood decreased.We found no increase in injecting or non-injecting drug consumption after 2001. Subjects most affected by the way the crises led to decreased work time and/or to increased time looking for work--and by the associated increase in time spent in one's neighbourhood--were most likely to increase their time using drugs. CONCLUSIONS:Time use methods are useful to study changes in drug use and their relationships to every day life activities. In these previously-drug-impacted neighbourhoods, the Argentinean crisis did not lead to an increase in drug use, which somewhat contradicts our initial expectations. Nevertheless, those for whom the crises led to decreased work time, increased time looking for work, and increased time spent in indoor or outdoor neighbourhood environments, were likely to spend more time using drugs. These data suggest that young adults in traditionally less-impoverished neighbourhoods may be more vulnerable to Big Events than those in previously drug-impacted impoverished neighbourhoods. Since Big Events will continue to occur, research on the pathways that determine their sequelae is needed.

This supplement to the Journal of the International AIDS Society focuses on the engagement of the social and political sciences within HIV research and, in particular, maintaining a productive relationship between social and biomedical perspectives on HIV. It responds to a number of concerns raised primarily by social scientists, but also recognized as important by biomedical and public health researchers. These concerns include how best to understand the impact of medical technologies (such as HIV treatments, HIV testing, viral load testing, male circumcision, microbicides, and pre-and post-exposure prophylaxis) on sexual cultures, drug practices, relationships and social networks in different cultural, economic and political contexts. The supplement is also concerned with how we might examine the relationship between HIV prevention and treatment, understand the social and political mobilization required to tackle HIV, and sustain the range of disciplinary approaches needed to inform and guide responses to the global pandemic. The six articles included in the supplement demonstrate the value of fostering high quality social and political research to inform, guide and challenge our collaborative responses to HIV/AIDS.