Faculty Bibliography

This article discusses relevant literature on group sex events--defined as events at which some people have sex with more than one partner--as risk environments, with a particular focus on group sex events where people who take drugs by non-injection routes of administration participate and where the event is not primarily LGBT-identified, at a "classic" crack house, nor in a brothel. It also briefly presents some findings from a small ethnography of such events. Group sex participation by people who take drugs by non-injection routes of administration seems to be widespread. It involves both behavioural and network risk for HIV and STI infection, including documented high-risk behaviour and sexual mixing of STI- and HIV-infected people with those who are uninfected. Indeed several HIV and STI outbreaks have been documented as based on such group sex events. Further, group sex events often serve as potential bridge environments that may allow infections to pass from members of one high-risk-behavioural category to another, and to branch out through these people's sexual and/or injection networks to other members of the local community. The ethnographic data presented here suggest a serious possibility of "third party transmission" of infectious agents between people who do not have sex with each other. This can occur even when condoms are consistently used since condoms and sex toys are sometimes used with different people without being removed or cleaned, and since fingers and mouths come into contact with mucosal surfaces of other members of the same or opposite sex. In addition to being risk environments, many of these group sex events are venues where risk-reducing norms, activities and roles are present--which lays the basis for harm reduction interventions. Research in more geographical locations is needed so we can better understand risks associated with group sex events in which drug users participate--and, in particular, how both participants and others can intervene effectively to reduce the risks posed to participants and non-participants by these group sex events. Such interventions are needed and should be developed.

OBJECTIVES/OBJECTIVE:Men who have sex with men (MSM) bear the greatest burden of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in every state in the U.S., but their populations are poorly defined. We estimated and compared populations of MSM in 2007 by region, state, and race/ethnicity. METHODS:We averaged findings from two statistical models we had previously developed to estimate the total state-specific percentage and number of males who were MSM. The models were based, respectively, on state-specific rural/ suburban/urban characteristics and an index using state-specific household census data on same-sex male unmarried partners. A third model, based on racial/ethnic ratios from a nationally representative behavioral survey, partitioned these statewide numbers by race/ethnicity. RESULTS:Of an estimated 7.1 million MSM residing in the U.S. in 2007, 71.4% (5.1 million) were white, 15.9% (1.1 million) were Hispanic, 8.9% (635,000) were black, 2.7% (191,000) were Asian, 0.4% (26,000) were American Indian/Alaska Native, 0.1% (6,000) were Native Hawaiian/other Pacific Islander, and 0.6% (41,000) were of multiple/unknown race/ethnicity. The overall U.S. percentage of males who were MSM (6.4%) varied from 3.3% in South Dakota to 13.2% in the District of Columbia, which we treated as a state. Estimated numbers of MSM ranged from 9,612 in Wyoming to 1,104,805 in California. CONCLUSIONS:Plausible estimates of MSM populations by state and race/ethnicity can inform and guide HIV/AIDS surveillance, allocation of resources, and advocacy. They can help in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of HIV prevention programs and other services. Using MSM numbers as denominators, estimates of population-based MSM HIV incidence, prevalence, and mortality rates could help clarify national and state-level epidemic dynamics. Until corroborated by other modeling and/or empirical research, these estimates should be used with caution.

Noninjecting heroin users (NIUs) were recruited in New York City during 1996-2003. Cumulative logistic regression was used to analyze the correlates of HIV sexual risk from injecting drug users (IDUs) among HIV seronegative NIUs engaging in heterosexual vaginal or anal sex in the past 30 days (N = 347). Participants were 67% male and 70% African American or Latino, with a mean age of 32.6 years. Hierarchical categories of IDU partner sexual risk included (1) no unprotected sex and no IDU sex partners (21%), (2) unprotected sex but not with IDUs (55%), (3) IDU sex partners but no unprotected sex with them (6%), and (4) unprotected sex with IDUs (17%). Independent correlates (p < .05) of HIV sexual risk from IDU partners included female versus male gender (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.01), ex-IDU versus never IDU (AOR = 1.90), and lower versus higher perceived social distance from IDUs (AOR = 1.60). Interventions should target female NIUs, ex-IDUs, and NIU members of IDU social and sexual networks. The study's limitations are noted.

In 2004, GLBT and HIV/AIDS service providers in NYC mobilized against use of crystal methamphetamine among gay men. Both drug use and mobilization were shaped by the history of HIV, particularly the institutions, action repertoires, and social networks forged in earlier AIDS work. This paper is based on qualitative research conducted from 2007 to 2009 with advocates, service providers, and men who have sex with men recruited from diverse venues in NYC gay communities. The crystal use epidemic among gay men in NYC indicates the importance of social and historical context in shaping drug use and antidrug mobilization, including the potential for public health responses to drug use.

New York City experienced the first and largest HIV epidemic among injecting drug users (IDUs). Using data collected from IDUs entering the Beth Israel drug detoxification program, we trace the history of this epidemic from the mid-1970s through the early 2000s. The epidemic can best be described in terms of successive stages: (1) introduction and rapid transmission of HIV in the IDU population; (2) stabilization of HIV prevalence at a high level (over 50%); (3) a decline in incidence and prevalence, following large-scale implementation of syringe exchange programs; and (4) a sexual transmission phase, in which HIV prevalence is approximately equal among injecting and noninjecting heroin and cocaine users, and sexual transmission is more important than injecting-related transmission among IDUs. Given the current spread of HIV among IDUs in many places in the world, New York City provides a very strong example for implementation of large-scale comprehensive syringe exchange programs as early as possible in HIV epidemics among IDUs.

A positive-deviance control-case life history study of injection drug users (IDUs) in New York City who had injected drugs for 8-15 years compared 21 IDUs who were antibody negative for both HIV and hepatitis C with 3 infected with both viruses and 11 infected with hepatitis C virus but not HIV. Eligible subjects were referred from other research studies and from community organizations that conduct testing for HIV and hepatitis C virus. Data were collected during 2005-2008 and were analyzed using life history and grounded theory approaches. They support grounded hypotheses that IDUs who are able to attain symbiotic goals like avoiding withdrawal and maintaining social support are assisted thereby in remaining uninfected with HIV or hepatitis C. These hypotheses should be tested using cohort studies and prevention trials to see if helping IDUs attain symbiotic goals reduces infection risk. The study's limitations are noted.

Previous research has suggested that multiple stressors may work in tandem to affect the health of women who have sex with women (WSWs). WSWs have been a part of the HIV epidemic in New York City since the beginning, making it an ideal setting to further explore these women's risk. Among a sample of 375 heroin, crack and/or cocaine using women recruited from economically disadvantaged communities in New York City, we examined HIV seroprevalence and risk behaviors among WSWs as compared to women who have sex with men only (WSMOs). We also explore differences between WSWs and WSMOs with respect to potential stressors (i.e., decreased access to resources and health care utilization and violence victimization) that might contribute overall HIV risk. The study's limitations are noted.