Faculty Bibliography

Drug seizure data indicate the presence of fentanyl in the cocaine supplies nationally and in New York City (NYC). In NYC, 39% of cocaine-only involved overdose deaths in 2017 also involved fentanyl, suggesting that fentanyl in the cocaine supply is associated with overdose deaths. To raise awareness of fentanyl overdose risk among people who use cocaine, the NYC Department of Health and Mental Hygiene pilot tested an awareness campaign in 23 NYC nightlife venues. Although 87% of venue owners/managers were aware of fentanyl, no participating venues had naloxone on premises prior to the intervention. The campaign's rapid dissemination reached people at potential risk of opioid overdose in a short period of time following the identification of fentanyl in the cocaine supply. Public health authorities in states with high rates of opioid-involved overdose death should consider similar campaigns to deliver overdose prevention education in the context of a drug supply containing fentanyl.

BACKGROUND:Rates of overdose death in New York City (NYC) increased 26% from 2000 to 2015, with a notable decrease in rate from 2006 to 2010. Beginning in 2016, the synthetic opioid fentanyl entered the NYC illicit drug market and has been associated with large increases in overdose death. This study assessed NYC trends in opioid-involved overdose death prior to fentanyl to understand the contribution of specific opioids and inform overdose prevention strategies. METHODS:Data were derived from death certificates linked to postmortem toxicology testing. We stratified cases into three mutually exclusive groups: (1) heroin without opioid analgesics (OAs); (2) OAs without heroin; and (3) the combination of heroin and OAs. We calculated mortality rates by year, and compared rates by the demographic characteristics age, sex, and race/ethnicity. Joinpoint regression identified junctures in trends between 2000 and 2015. RESULTS:Rates of overdose death involving heroin without OAs decreased from 2006 to 2010, then increased from 2010 to 2015 among males, persons age 15 to 54, and Blacks and Whites. Rates of overdose death involving OAs with and without heroin increased from 2000 to 2015 across all demographic subgroups. CONCLUSIONS:The identified trends in overdose death are suggestive of demographic shifts in drug use. In particular, the tamper-resistant reformulation of oxycodone 80 mg may have increased the use of heroin among primary OA users. Notably, older adults may have had established heroin use practices prior to the proliferation of OAs and thus may have been less likely to modify drug use practices.

Relay, a peer-delivered response to nonfatal opioid overdoses, provides overdose prevention education, naloxone, support, and linkage to care to opioid overdose survivors for 90 days after an overdose event. From June 2017 to December 2018, Relay operated in seven New York City emergency departments and enrolled 649 of the 876 eligible individuals seen (74%). Preliminary data show high engagement, primarily among individuals not touched by harm reduction or naloxone distribution networks. Relay is a novel and replicable response to the opioid epidemic.

This study evaluates racial differences in opioid overdose deaths in New York City for 2017.

There is consensus in the scientific literature that the opioid agonist medications methadone and buprenorphine are the most effective treatments for opioid use disorder. Despite increasing opioid overdose deaths in the United States, these medications remain substantially underutilized. For no other medical conditions for which an effective treatment exists is that treatment used so infrequently. In this commentary, we discuss the potential role of stigma in the underutilization of these opioid agonist medications for addiction treatment. We outline stigma toward medications for addiction treatment and suggest that structural and policy barriers to methadone and buprenorphine may contribute to this stigma. We offer pragmatic public health solutions to reduce stigma and expand access to these effective treatments.

Latinas comprise the largest racial/ethnic group of trans women (male-to-female transgender people) in New York City, where HIV seroprevalence among trans Latinas has been found to be as high as 49%. Despite this population's high risk of HIV, little is known about resilience among trans Latinas that may provide protective health factors. Six focus groups and one in-depth interview were conducted with 34 low-income trans/gender-variant people of colour who attended transgender support groups at harm reduction programmes in New York City. This paper reports on data from 13 participants who identified as immigrant trans Latinas. Focus groups were coded and analysed using thematic qualitative methods. The majority of immigrants were undocumented but reported having robust social support. Unique characteristics of immigrant trans Latinas included alternative kinship structures and sources of income. Social creativity was used to develop achievable ways in which to improve their health outcomes. Resilience was evident in informal kinship dynamics, formal support groups, gender-transition, educational access and skills training and substance use reduction. Individual-level resilience increased as a result of strong community-level resilience.

A cohort of frequently incarcerated individuals in the New York City jail system was identified through "hot spotting" analysis. This group demonstrated higher levels of substance use, mental illness, and homelessness than the general jail population, and was typically incarcerated on minor criminal charges. To understand this population better, in-depth interviews (n = 20) were conducted at three Rikers Island correctional facilities with people who had entered the jail system at least 18 times in a six-year period. Findings showed that life circumstances, chronic homelessness, mental illness, and substance use resulted in repeated institutionalization across multiple settings. Participants described an "institutional circuit" that promoted a state of permanent instability characterized by rotating involvement with custodial institutions. Exiting the institutional circuit requires the ability to navigate complex bureaucratic systems; however, without structural reorganization in social service delivery and an emphasis on permanent housing, participants in this group are unlikely to break the cycle.

Non-medical use of opioid analgesics (OAs) has increased in the United States over the past decade. Concurrently, access to opioid agonist therapies (OATs) such as buprenorphine has expanded. However, there has been little in-depth qualitative exploration into circumstances surrounding buprenorphine diversion and non-prescribed use. This study reports on qualitative data from in-depth interviews conducted with persons in New York City reporting non-medical OA use in the past 12 months. Participants (n=42) were aged between 18 and 49 years. The majority were male (n=29) and non-Hispanic White (n=35). All participants self-reported physical opioid dependence. Motivations for non-prescribed buprenorphine use included the abatement of withdrawal symptoms or a self-initiated detoxification or treatment plan. Few participants reported buprenorphine use for euphoric effect, and no participants reported using buprenorphine as a primary drug. Buprenorphine diversion primarily occurred as a means of supporting ongoing illicit drug use, and no participants reported selling buprenorphine as a primary source of income. Participants reported misinformation around some key areas of buprenorphine induction and use, as well as stigma within peer networks and from drug treatment providers. As access to buprenorphine treatment continues to expand in the United States, enhancing patient education is a critical step toward minimizing diversion and incidental harms from non-prescribed use.