Faculty Bibliography

In this commentary on Osiurak and Reynaud's target article, we argue that action is largely missing in their account of the ascendance of human technological culture. We propose that an action-based developmental account can help to bridge the cognitive-sociocultural divide in explanations of the discovery, production, and cultural transmission of human tool use.

We propose that developmental cognitive science should invest in an online CRADLE, a Collaboration for Reproducible and Distributed Large-Scale Experiments that crowdsources data from families participating on the internet. Here, we discuss how the field can work together to further expand and unify current prototypes for the benefit of researchers, science, and society.

How do young children learn to use everyday artifacts-doorknobs, zippers, and so on-in the ways they were designed to be used? Although the designed actions of such objects seem obvious to adults, little is known about how young children learn the "hidden affordances" of everyday objects. We encouraged 115 11- to 37-month-old children to open 2 types of containers: circular jars with twist-off lids (Experiment 1) and rectangular Tupperware-style containers with pull-off lids (Experiment 2). We varied container size to examine effects of the body-environment fit on display of the designed action and successful implementation of the designed action. Results showed a developmental progression from nondesigned actions to performance of the designed twisting or pulling actions to successful implementation of the designed action. Nondesigned actions decreased with age as performance of the designed action increased. Successful implementation lagged behind performance of the designed action. That is, even after children appeared to know what to do, they were still unsuccessful in opening the container. Why? For twist-offs, very large lids were difficult to manipulate, and younger children often twisted to the right, or in both directions, and did not persist in consecutive turns to the left. Larger pull-off containers required new strategies to stabilize the base, such as holding the container against the tabletop or the chest. Findings provide insights into the body-environment factors that facilitate children's learning and implementation of the hidden affordances inherent in everyday artifacts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Where do infants go? A longstanding assumption is that infants primarily crawl or walk to reach destinations viewed while stationary. However, many bouts of spontaneous locomotion do not end at new people, places, or things. Study 1 showed that half of 10- and 13-month-old crawlers' (N = 29) bouts end at destinations-more than previously found with walkers. Study 2 confirmed that, although infants do not commonly go to destinations, 12-month-old crawlers go to proportionally more destinations than age-matched walkers (N = 16). Head-mounted eye tracking revealed that crawlers and walkers mostly take steps in place while fixating something within reach. When infants do go to a destination, they take straight, short paths to a target fixated while stationary.

Goal-directed actions involve problem solving-how to coordinate perception and action to get the job done. Whereas previous work focused on the ages at which children succeed in problem solving, we focused on how children solve motor problems in real time. We used object fitting as a model system to understand how perception and action unfold from moment to moment. Preschoolers (N = 25) and adults (N = 24) inserted three-dimensional objects into their corresponding openings in a "shape-sorting" box. We applied a new combination of real-time methods to the problem of object fitting-head-mounted eye tracking to record looking behaviors, video microcoding to record adjustments in object orientation between reach and insertion, and real-time analysis techniques (recurrent quantification analysis and Granger causality) to test the timing relations between visual and manual actions. Children, like adults, solved the problem successfully. However, adults outperformed children in terms of their speed of fitting, and speed depended on when adjustments of object orientation occurred. Adults adjusted object orientation during transport, whereas children adjusted object orientation after arriving at the box. Children's delays in adjustment resulted from delays in looking at the target shape and its corresponding aperture. Findings show that planning is a real-time cascade of perception and action, and looking provides the basis for planning actions prospectively. We suggest that developmental improvements in problem solving are driven by real-time changes in the instigation of the planning cascade and the timing of its components.

This review challenges the traditional interpretation of infants' and young children's responses to three types of potentially "fear-inducing" stimuli-snakes and spiders, heights, and strangers. The traditional account is that these stimuli are the objects of infants' earliest developing fears. We present evidence against the traditional account, and provide an alternative explanation of infants' behaviors toward each stimulus. Specifically, we propose that behaviors typically interpreted as "fearful" really reflect an array of stimulus-specific responses that are highly dependent on context, learning, and the perceptual features of the stimuli. We speculate about why researchers so commonly misinterpret these behaviors, and conclude with future directions for studying the development of fear in infants and young children. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

We investigated the real-time cascade of postural, visual, and manual actions for object prehension in 38 6- to 12-month-old infants (all independent sitters) and eight adults. Participants' task was to retrieve a target as they spun past it at different speeds on a motorized chair. A head-mounted eye tracker recorded visual actions and video captured postural and manual actions. Prehension played out in a coordinated sequence of postural-visual-manual behaviors starting with turning the head and trunk to bring the toy into view, which in turn instigated the start of the reach. Visually fixating the toy to locate its position guided the hand for toy contact and retrieval. Prehension performance decreased at faster speeds, but quick planning and implementation of actions predicted better performance.

Manual skills such as reaching, grasping, and exploring objects appear months earlier in infancy than locomotor skills such as walking. To what extent do infants incorporate an old skill (manual actions on objects) into the development of a new skill (walking)? We video recorded 64 sessions of infants during free play in a laboratory playroom. Infants' age (12.7-19.5 months), walking experience (0.5-10.3 months), and walking proficiency (speed, step length, etc.) varied widely. We found that the earlier developing skills of holding and exploring objects are immediately incorporated into the later developing skill of walking. Although holding incurred a reliable cost to infants' gait patterns, holding and exploring objects in hand were relatively common activities, and did not change with development. Moreover, holding objects was equally common in standing and walking. However, infants did not interact with objects indiscriminately: Object exploration was more frequent while standing than walking, and infants selectively chose lighter objects to carry and explore. Findings suggest that the earlier appearance of some skills may serve to motivate and enrich later appearing skills.