Faculty Bibliography

BACKGROUND AND AIMS/OBJECTIVE:Tobacco control policies may differentially impact smoking initiation among socio-demographic groups. We measured longitudinal associations between exposure to smoke-free laws in grade 12 (modal age 18 years) and patterns of smoking initiation in the United States. DESIGN/METHODS:Prospective longitudinal analysis. SETTING AND PARTICIPANTS/METHODS:We used data on US young adults sampled at modal age 18 years from the Monitoring the Future Survey. Baseline data were collected between 2000 and 2017, with the last year of follow-up in 2018. The sample number varied by outcome and time-point, ranging from 7314 to 17 702. MEASUREMENTS/METHODS:Smoke-free law coverage in work-places and hospitality venues (restaurants/bars) was measured as the percentage of the county population covered by each type of law. We examined associations with any past 30-day smoking initiation and daily smoking initiation at modal ages 19/20, 21/22 and 23/24, using Poisson regression and calculating average marginal effects. We explored effect modification by sex, race/ethnicity and parental education by testing the significance of interaction terms. FINDINGS/RESULTS:Work-place law coverage at modal age 18 was associated with a lower probability of daily smoking initiation at modal ages 21/22 [-2.4 percentage points (p.p.); 95% confidence interval (CI) = -3.9, -0.9] and 23/24 (-2.0 p.p.; 95% CI = -3.9, -0.2). Hospitality law coverage was associated with a lower probability of daily smoking initiation at modal ages 19/20 (-1.6 p.p.; 95% CI = -2.8, -0.4), 21/22 (-2.3 p.p.; 95% CI = -3.7, -0.9) and 23/24 (-1.8 p.p.; 95% CI = -3.6, -0.0). Findings were inconclusive with regard to associations with any past 30-day smoking initiation and with regard to effect modification, after adjusting for multiple testing. CONCLUSIONS:Exposure to smoke-free laws at age 18 appears to be prospectively associated with reduced daily smoking initiation 1-6 years later.

BACKGROUND:Emerging evidence suggests many people have persistent symptoms after acute COVID-19 illness. Our objective was to estimate the prevalence and correlates of post-acute sequelae of SARS-CoV-2 infection (PASC). METHODS:We employed a population-based probability survey of adults with COVID-19 in Michigan. Living non-institutionalized adults aged 18+ in the Michigan Disease Surveillance System with COVID-19 onset through mid-April 2020 were eligible for selection (n=28,000). Among 2,000 selected, 629 completed the survey between June - December 2020. We estimated PASC prevalence, defined as persistent symptoms 30+ (30-day COVID-19) or 60+ days (60-day COVID-19) post COVID-19 onset, overall and by sociodemographic and clinical factors, including self-reported symptom severity and hospitalization status. We used modified Poisson regression to produce adjusted prevalence ratios (aPR) for potential risk factors. RESULTS:The analytic sample (n=593) was predominantly female (56.1%), aged 45 and older (68.2%), and Non-Hispanic White (46.3%) or Black (34.8%). 30- and 60-day COVID-19 were highly prevalent (52.5% and 35.0%), even among non-hospitalized respondents (43.7% and 26.9%) and respondents reporting mild symptoms (29.2% and 24.5%). Respondents reporting very severe (vs. mild) symptoms had 2.25 times higher prevalence of 30-day COVID-19 ([aPR] 2.25, 95% CI 1.46-3.46) and 1.71 times higher prevalence of 60-day COVID-19 (aPR 1.71, 95% 1.02-2.88). Hospitalized (vs. non-hospitalized) respondents had about 40% higher prevalence of both 30-day (aPR 1.37, 95% CI 1.12-1.69) and 60-day COVID-19 (aPR 1.40, 95% CI 1.02-1.93). CONCLUSIONS:PASC is highly prevalent among cases reporting severe initial symptoms, and, to a lesser extent, cases reporting mild and moderate symptoms.

BACKGROUND:Sexual minority (SM) (gay, lesbian and bisexual) adults are at higher risk of smoking compared with heterosexual individuals, yet little is known about how the tobacco control policy landscape interacts with sexual orientation smoking disparities. METHODS:We conducted a descriptive analysis to explore differential exposure to smoke-free laws and televised anti-tobacco media using two sources of national data from the United States: Census data on same-sex couple households/all households and data on SM adults/all adults from the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). We combined this information with variables representing the proportion of individuals in each county covered by smoke-free laws (2013-2017), and average county-level exposure to televised anti-tobacco media campaigns (2013-2015). We compared average coverage levels for SM populations to average coverage levels for the broader US population. RESULTS:Between 2013 and 2017, same-sex couple households/SM adults lived in counties with higher levels of smoke-free law coverage compared with all US households/adults for workplaces (Census: 71.3% vs 68.0%; NHIS: 70.7% vs 67.9%) and hospitality venues (Census: 82.3% vs 77.0%; NHIS: 80.5% vs 77.2%). There were no consistent differences in exposures to anti-tobacco media campaigns across datasets. CONCLUSIONS:SM adults may be more likely to live in areas with smoke-free laws, compared with the general population. Findings point to the need to examine other potential drivers of smoking in SM populations.

INTRODUCTION/BACKGROUND:Little is known about the relationship between smoke-free laws and persistent disparities in secondhand smoke (SHS) exposure among nonsmoking adults in the U.S. METHODS:We constructed time-varying smoke-free law measures representing whether or not at least 50% of each U.S. county's population was covered by smoke-free laws in workplaces and hospitality venues (restaurants/bars). We merged this data with restricted data on cotinine-derived SHS exposure among nonsmokers from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, 1999-2014 (N=25,444). Using logistic regression, we estimated associations between smoke-free law coverage and SHS exposure among all nonsmokers, and within age strata (25-39, 40-59, 60+). We explored differential associations by gender, race/ethnicity, education, and poverty income ratio (PIR) by testing the significance of interactions terms for the full sample and within age strata. RESULTS:In adjusted models, hospitality coverage was associated with lower odds of SHS exposure in the full sample (odds ratio/OR=0.62; 95% confidence interval/CI=0.51-0.76), and within each age group, with ORs ranging from 0.58 (ages 25-39) to 0.67 (ages 60+). Workplace coverage was associated with lower SHS exposure only among younger adults (OR=0.81; 95% CI=0.65-0.99). Within the full sample and among adults ages 40-59, hospitality laws were associated with narrowing SHS exposure differentials between males and females. Among adults ages 40-59, workplace laws were associated with narrowing exposure differentials between males and females, but worsening exposure disparities by PIR. CONCLUSIONS:Smoke-free laws may reduce SHS exposure among adult nonsmokers, but may be insufficient to improve disparities in SHS exposure.

BACKGROUND:Little is known regarding long-term impacts of anti-tobacco media campaigns on youth smoking and related disparities in the United States. METHODS:We examined longitudinal cohort data from Monitoring the Future (MTF) between 2000 and 2017 in modified Poisson regression models to understand the long-term impacts of televised Truth and state-sponsored ad campaign exposure at baseline (age 18) on first cigarette and daily smoking initiation 1 to 2 years later (at modal ages 19/20). We also used additive interactions to test for potential effect modification between campaign exposure and smoking outcomes by sex, race/ethnicity, and parental educational attainment. RESULTS:We found no evidence for baseline media campaign exposure to be associated with first cigarette or daily smoking initiation at modal age 19/20. Further, results showed no evidence for effect modification between campaign exposure and first cigarette or daily smoking initiation. CONCLUSIONS:We found no evidence that baseline Truth and state-sponsored ad exposure was associated with first cigarette or daily smoking initiation at follow up, nor did we find any evidence for effect modification by sex, race/ethnicity, or parental education. We hypothesize that anti-tobacco media campaigns might have had a short-term impact on smoking behaviors, though these effects were not sustained long term.

BACKGROUND:Exposure to structural stigma (i.e., societal norms and policies that constrain access to resources) may help explain poor health outcomes among sexual minority (SM) individuals in the USA. PURPOSE/OBJECTIVE:We examined the relationship between structural stigma and smoking prevalence among U.S. SM and heterosexual adults. METHODS:We adapted an index to capture multiple state-level structural stigma indicators, including attitudes toward same-sex marriage; the geographical density of same-sex couples; and state-level policies toward SMs. The outcome variable was current smoking, derived from the National Adult Tobacco Survey (2012-2014). Poisson regression models stratified by SM status were used to assess the relationship between structural stigma and the prevalence ratio (PR) of current smoking. We included a squared term for stigma to explore nonlinear relationships between stigma and smoking. Interaction terms were used to examine effect modification by sex. RESULTS:Adjusted models suggested a curvilinear PR relationship between stigma and smoking for both SM (linear PR = 1.03 [0.97-1.08]; quadratic PR = 0.98 [0.97-1.00]) and heterosexual (linear PR = 1.00 [0.99-1.02]; quadratic PR = 0.99 [0.988-0.995]) adults. The quadratic term was significant (p < .05) for both SM and heterosexual respondents, however, the change in probability of smoking associated with structural stigma was more pronounced among SM individuals. Specifically, the highest and lowest exposures to stigma were associated with the lowest probabilities of smoking. There was no apparent effect modification by sex. CONCLUSIONS:Findings lend support to addressing SM structural stigma as a driver of smoking, particularly among SM adults.

PURPOSE:To evaluate sociodemographic differences in the relationship between state and national anti-smoking media campaigns and cessation behaviors among adult smokers in the U.S. DESIGN:Repeated cross-sectional analysis. SETTING:U.S. nationally representative survey of adults ages 18 and older, 2001-2015. SUBJECTS:76,278 year-ago smokers from the 2001-2015 Tobacco Use Supplement to the Current Population Survey. MEASURES:Area-level exposure to State-sponsored and "Tips from former smokers" anti-tobacco media campaigns was the primary predictor of this study. Outcome variables included: quit attempt in the past 12 months, past 30-day smoking cessation, and past 90-day smoking cessation among year-ago smokers. ANALYSIS:We conducted modified Poisson regression models to examine the association between media campaign exposure and cessation behaviors. We also examined effect modification on the additive scale by sex, race/ethnicity, income, and education using average marginal effects. RESULTS:Year-ago smokers with greater exposure to media campaigns were more likely to report 30-day (Prevalence Ratio [PR]: 1.18, CI: 1.03, 1.36) and 90-day cessation (PR: 1.18, CI: 1.00, 1.41) compared to respondents with less campaign exposure. We found no evidence of effect modification by sociodemographic variables. CONCLUSION:Exposure to anti-smoking media campaigns were associated with year-ago smokers' cessation behaviors. However, there were no differences in the association by sex, race/ethnicity, income, or education, indicating that broadly focused media campaigns may be insufficient to reduce smoking cessation among priority populations, and thus health disparities generally.

INTRODUCTION:The goal of the paper is to characterize the geographic and sociodemographic patterns of policies prohibiting tobacco sales to people aged <21 years (i.e., Tobacco 21) at the local, county, and state levels in the U.S. before the national law. METHODS:This study assessed area-level markers for region, race/ethnicity, education, poverty status, and smoke-free law coverage as predictors of Tobacco 21 passage as of December 20, 2019, using modified Poisson and negative binomial regression models with robust SEs. Data were analyzed in 2020. RESULTS:Before the passage of the national policy, 191 million people were covered by Tobacco 21 laws. Counties with higher percentages of non-Hispanic Blacks and individuals living below the poverty line had a lower probability of coverage, whereas counties with higher percentages of Hispanics/Latinxs and individuals with a college degree had a higher probability of coverage. Tobacco 21 coverage also varied by region, with far greater coverage in the Northeast than in the Midwest and South. CONCLUSIONS:The national Tobacco 21 law may address disparities in coverage by SES, race/ethnicity, and region that could have lasting implications with regard to health equity.

Increasing cigarette taxes has been the cornerstone of tobacco control policy. Recent work has argued that raising cigarette taxes alone may no longer be an effective strategy for lowering smoking rates. We largely confirm these findings but also find that increases in price continue to predict lower smoking participation in most model specifications. We argue that raising cigarette prices via taxation remains an effective public health policy. We discuss the advantages of homogeneous tax environments and minimum price laws for eliminating opportunities for consumers to offset tax increases by searching for lowest taxes.