Faculty Bibliography

BACKGROUND:Despite the status of tobacco and marijuana as two of the most commonly used substances in the U.S., both have detrimental health and social consequences for disfranchized African-Americans. Substance use may be shaped by social contextual influences from families and peers in African-American communities, and little research has examined perceptions of wrongfulness, harms, and dangers associated with daily tobacco and marijuana use among African-American women. OBJECTIVES:This study explores the effects of African-American women's social context and substance use perceptions (wrongfulness/harmfulness/dangerousness) on daily tobacco and marijuana use. METHODS:Survey data was collected in-person from 521 African-American women. Multivariate logistic models identified the significant correlates of women's daily use of tobacco and marijuana in the past six months. RESULTS:52.59% of participants reported daily tobacco use and 10.56% used marijuana daily. Multivariate models indicated that women were more likely to be daily tobacco users if they had a family member with a substance use problem or perceived tobacco use to be wrong, harmful, or more dangerous than marijuana. In the models with marijuana as the dependent variable, women who lived with a person who used drugs were more likely to use marijuana daily. Perceiving marijuana use as wrong or harmful to one's health was protective against daily marijuana use. CONCLUSIONS:Findings stress the need for prevention and intervention efforts for African-American women that highlight social context influences and promote greater awareness of the health risks associated with daily tobacco and marijuana use.

BACKGROUND:The non-medical use of opioids has reached epidemic levels nationwide, and rural areas have been particularly affected by increasing rates of overdose mortality as well as increases in the prison population. Individuals with opioid use disorder (OUD) are at increased risk for relapse and overdose upon reentry to the community due to decreased tolerance during incarceration. It is crucial to identify barriers to substance use disorder treatment post-release from prison because treatment can be particularly difficult to access in resource-limited rural Appalachia. METHODS:A social ecological framework was utilized to examine barriers to community-based substance use treatment among individuals with OUD in Appalachian Kentucky following release from prison. Semi-structured qualitative interviews with 15 social service clinicians (SSCs) employed by the Department of Corrections were conducted to identify barriers at the individual, interpersonal, organizational/institutional level, community, and systems levels. Two independent coders conducted line-by-line coding to identify key themes. RESULTS:Treatment barriers were identified across the social ecological spectrum. At the individual-level, SSCs highlighted high-risk drug use and a lack of motivation. At the interpersonal level, homogenous social networks (i.e., homophilious drug-using networks) and networks with limited treatment knowledge inhibited treatment. SSC's high case load and probation/parole officer's limited understanding of treatment were organizational/institutional barriers. Easy access to opioids, few treatment resources, and a lack of community support for treatment were barriers at the community level. SSC's noted system-level barriers such as lack of transportation options, cost, and uncertainty about the implementation of the Affordable Care Act. CONCLUSIONS:More rural infrastructure resources as well as additional education for family networks, corrections staff, and the community at large in Appalachia are needed to address barriers to OUD treatment. Future research should examine barriers from the perspective of other key stakeholders (e.g., clients, families of clients) and test interventions to increase access to OUD treatment.

Use of novel psychoactive substances (NPS) such as synthetic cannabinoids (e.g., "Spice," "Serenity") and cathinones (e.g., "bath salts") has proliferated in recent years; however, there is a gap in research examining prevalence among offender samples. This study examined demographics, drug use, mental health characteristics, and criminal histories of NPS users compared to non-NPS users within an offender sample entering drug treatment. Using logistic regression analysis, combined 2013-2015 assessment data were examined (N = 8,791). NPS users offended more often (x̄ = 10.3), were more likely to have experienced homelessness (12.2%), and to have lived in a metro area (59.0%). NPS users reported significantly more past-year drug use, including substances not readily detected by standard urine analysis (e.g., hallucinogens, alcohol, and inhalants). Individuals with higher anxiety symptom counts (OR = 1.07; p < .001) and those who reported drinking to intoxication (OR = 1.30; p < .001) had an increased likelihood of NPS use. Older individuals (OR = 0.95; p < .001) and those who began using drugs at an older age (OR = 0.95; p < .001) were less likely to report NPS use. NPS use may be a marker of more severe using patterns in an offender sample. Future investigation should focus on NPS use as a possible method for bypassing drug testing measures.

This is the first known study to use the Gelberg-Andersen Behavioral Model for Vulnerable Populations to predict African American women's use of three types of health services (alternative, hospitalization, and ambulatory) in the 18 months after release from prison. In the multivariate models, the most robust predictors of all three types of service utilization were in the vulnerable theoretical domains. Alternative health services were predicted by ethnic community membership, higher religiosity, and HIV/HCV. Hospitalizations were predicted by the lack of barriers to health care and disability. Ambulatory office visits were predicted by more experiences of gendered racism, a greater number of physical health problems, and HIV/HCV. Findings highlight the importance of cultural factors and HIV/HCV in obtaining both alternative and formal health care during community re-entry. Clinicians and policymakers should consider the salient role that the vulnerable domain plays in offender's accessing health services.