Faculty Bibliography

Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) uptake among women in the United States has been low. To increase uptake, we developed a peer outreach and navigation PrEP intervention. Semi-structured qualitative interviews with 32 cisgender women and 3 transgender women were conducted to assess the intervention. We used a thematic approach to identify barriers to, and facilitators of the intervention. Facilitators included interest in PrEP, offer of health and social services, the intervention's women-focused approach, and peer outreach and navigation. Barriers were perceived HIV risk, concerns about medication side effects or interactions, housing insecurity and travel, co-occurring health-related conditions, and caregiving responsibilities. We recommend that future interventions consider packaging PrEP in local community settings, such as syringe exchange programs; include services such as food and housing assistance; use peers to recruit and educate women; integrate a culturally appropriate women's focus; and consider providing same-day PrEP.

BACKGROUND:Methadone Maintenance Treatment (MMT) is widely recognized as one of the most effective ways of reducing risk of overdose, arrest, and transmission of blood-borne viruses like HIV and HCV among people that use opioids. Yet, MMT's use of restrictive take-home dose policies that force most patients to attend their clinic on a daily, or near-daily, basis may be unpopular with many patients and lead to low rates of treatment uptake and retention. In response, this article examines how clinics' take-home dosing policies have affected patients' experiences of treatment and lives in general. METHODS:This article is based on semi-structured, qualitative interviews with a variety of stakeholders in MMT. Interviews explored: reasons for engaging with, or not engaging with MMT; how MMT is conceptualized by patients and treatment providers (e.g., as harm reduction or route to abstinence and/or recovery); experiences with MMT; perception of barriers to MMT (e.g., organizational/regulatory, social) and how MMT might be improved to support peoples' substance use treatment needs and goals. RESULTS:Nearly all of the patients with past or present MMT use were highly critical of the limited access to take-home doses and consequent need for daily or near daily clinic attendance. Participants described how the use of restrictive take-home dose policies negatively impacted their ability to meet day-to-day responsibilities and also cited the need for daily attendance as a reason for quitting or avoiding OAT. Responses also demonstrate how such policies contribute to an environment of cruelty and stigma within many clinics that exposes this already-stigmatized population to additional trauma. CONCLUSIONS:Take-home dose policies in MMT are not working for a substantial number of patients and are reasonably seen by participants as degrading and dehumanizing. Revision of MMT regulations and policies regarding take home doses are essential to improve patient satisfaction and the quality and effectiveness of MMT as a key evidence-based treatment and harm reduction strategy.

Research suggests that the built environment is associated with drug use. However, there is limited scholarship focusing on specific features of the built environment that influence drug use behaviors, experiences, and patterns and how risk factors for drug use are placed in distinctive urban and rural settings. Applying Neely and Samura's conceptual theory that describes space as contested, fluid and historical, interactional and relational, and defined by inequality and difference, we assessed data from semi-structured qualitative interviews conducted between 2019 and 2020 with consumers at syringe exchange programs (SEPs) in an urban location (New York City) and a rural location (southern Illinois). We aimed to contextualize how drug use manifests in each space. In total, 65 individuals, including 59 people who use drugs (PWUD) and six professionals who worked with PWUD, were interviewed. Findings illustrate that, in both the urban and rural setting, the built environment regulates the drug use milieu by mediating social reproduction, namely the degree of agency PWUD exert to acquire and use drugs where they desire. Processes of "stigma zoning," defined as socio-spatial policing of boundaries of behavior deemed undesirable or deviant, impacted PWUD's socio-geographic mobility, social conditions, and resource access, and modulated PWUD's broader capacity and self-efficacy. Similar patterns of drug use, according to social and economic inequities chiefly related to housing instability, were further observed in both settings.

Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) uptake remains woefully low among U.S. women at high risk for HIV acquisition. We evaluated a pilot intervention which involved Peers providing brief PrEP education and counseling at mobile syringe exchange sites and at sex worker and syringe exchange drop-in centers followed by navigation to PrEP care. Peers recruited English-proficient, self-identified women (i.e., cisgender and transgender women and persons with other transfeminine identities) over a 3-month period and delivered the intervention to 52 HIV-negative/status unknown participants. Thirty-eight participants (73.1%) reported PrEP interest, 27 (51.9%) accepted the offer of a PrEP appointment, 13 (25.0%) scheduled a PrEP appointment, 3 (5.8%) attended an initial PrEP appointment, and none were prescribed PrEP. We found a gap between PrEP interest and connecting women to PrEP care. Further study is needed to understand this gap, including exploring innovative approaches to delivering PrEP care to women at highest risk for HIV.

BACKGROUND:HIV prevention is needed among people who use drugs (PWUD) due to mixing sex and drugs, selling/trading sex, and/or injecting drugs. Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is an extremely effective biomedical HIV prevention strategy, but uptake remains low among communities most in need of HIV prevention, including PWUD. Previous studies have found that providers are less willing to prescribe PrEP to PWUD, yet PWUD express high levels of PrEP acceptance. More research is needed to understand how people who provide substance use treatment services think about PrEP to maximize this biomedical prevention strategy. METHODS:The study conducted semistructured interviews with 29 staff members in two methadone clinic settings in urban northern New Jersey. Staff members included medical providers, methadone counselors, intake coordinators, front desk staff, lab technicians, security guards, and administrative/leadership personnel. RESULTS:All staff recognized the need for HIV prevention among their patient populations, but most were either unaware of PrEP or unfamiliar with its purpose and how it works. Medical providers were more likely to have some PrEP knowledge in comparison to counselors and other staff, but the former largely did not have in-depth knowledge. Among those familiar with PrEP, many confused PrEP with HIV medication, as Truvada was the only FDA-approved PrEP at the time of the study. About half of participants expressed clear support for PrEP, while the other half expressed mixed or negative attitudes related to HIV, sexual behavior, and mistrust of the medication. Both the positive and negative perceptions entailed stigmatizing elements. RECOMMENDATIONS/CONCLUSIONS:Due to patients' frequent interactions with non-medical staff (e.g., front desk staff, lab technicians, etc.), all staff, not only medical personnel, should be aware of PrEP and comfortable discussing it to foster well-informed, nonjudgmental conversations about HIV prevention with patients. PrEP education should specifically address HIV and sexual-related stigma, as even positive perceptions of PrEP may entail stigmatizing elements.

Introduction/Objectives: The incidence of hepatitis C (HCV) infection is rising among people who inject drugs (PWID). Even in the context of known HCV prevention and treatment strategies, some PWID remain unengaged in HCV care. This study aimed to identify and characterize experiences and perceptions of PWID regarding the acceptability and effectiveness of HCV testing and treatment at a local syringe service program (SSP). Methods: A total of 36 PWID participated in semi-structured interviews at an SSP in New York City. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and coded by three coders, following a constructivist grounded theory approach. Relevant themes were identified as they emerged from the data. Results: Interviews with PWID revealed three themes related to the impact of SSPs on HCV care: (1) non-stigmatizing SSP environments, (2) the role of SSPs in improving HCV knowledge, and (3) acceptability of SSPs as sites for HCV care among PWID. Discussion: This paper contributes to the ongoing understanding that SSPs provide a well-accepted source of HCV services for PWID. Participants believed that SSPs are accessible and effective sites for HCV care, and suggested that stigma among PWID continues to affect receipt of HCV care in traditional settings. Conclusions: Understanding attitudes and beliefs of PWID regarding the effectiveness of SSPs as sites for HCV care is crucial for the development of focused strategies to reduce HCV transmission, and to ultimately achieve HCV elimination. Given this, further research is warranted investigating how best to improve HCV care at harm reduction sites such as SSPs.

Men who inject drugs (MWID) and engage in transactional sex (i.e., receive money or drugs in exchange for sex) are vulnerable to HIV and violence. However, MWID who engage in transactional sex have been less studied than women. We examine factors associated with transactional sex among MWID in Los Angeles and San Francisco and whether transactional sex is associated with violent victimization. MWID were recruited using targeted sampling methods in 2011-2013 and completed surveys that covered demographics, drug use, HIV risk, violence, transactional sex, and other items. Multivariable logistic regression was used to (1) determine factors independently associated with transactional sex and (2) determine if transactional sex was independently associated with violence victimization in the last 6 months among MWID. An interaction term between income source and sexual identity was included in the transactional sex model. Of the 572 male PWID in the sample, 47 (8%) reported transactional sex in the past 6 months. Self-reported HIV infection was 7% for MWID who did not report transactional sex, 17% for MWID who reported transactional sex, and 24% for MWID who reported transactional sex and reported gay or bisexual identity. In multivariable analysis, transactional sex was positively associated with gay or bisexual identity (GB without illegal income adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 5.16; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.86-14.27; GB with illegal income AOR = 13.55, CI = 4.57-40.13), coerced sex in the last 12 months (AOR = 11.66, CI = 1.94-70.12), and violent victimization in the last 12 months (AOR = 2.31, CI = 1.13-4.75). Transactional sex was negatively associated with heroin injection (last 30 days) (AOR = 0.37; 95% CI = 0.18-0.78). Transactional sex was independently associated with violent victimization in the last 12 months (AOR = 2.04; 95% CI = 1.00-4.14) while controlling for confounders. MWID who engaged in transactional sex are at elevated risk for HIV and multiple forms of violent victimization. Interventions focused on this at-risk subpopulation are urgently needed and should include access to substance use disorder treatment, victimization services, and harm reduction services across the HIV care continuum.

Stigma is a known barrier to treating substance use disorders and dramatically diminishes the quality of life of people who use drugs (PWUD) nonmedically. Stigma against PWUD may be especially pronounced in rural areas due to their decreased anonymity and residents' limited access, or resistance, to "neutralizing" information on factors associated with drug use. Stigma often manifests in the attitudes of professionals whom stigmatized individuals regularly interact with and often materially impact. We analyzed interviews conducted between July 2018 and February 2019 with professional stakeholders in rural southern Illinois who interact with PWUD, specifically those who use opioids nonmedically or who inject drugs (n = 30). We further analyzed interview data from a complementary PWUD sample (n = 22). Interviews addressed perspectives around nonmedical drug use and treatment/harm reduction, with analysis centered around the Framework Integrating Normative Influences on Stigma and its focus on micro, meso and macro level stigmatization processes. Stakeholder participants included professionals from local law enforcement, courts, healthcare organizations, emergency management services, and faith-based and social services organizations. Most stakeholders, particularly law enforcement, negatively perceived PWUD and nonmedical drug use in general, questioned the character, agency and extrinsic value of PWUD, and used labels (e.g. "addict," "abuser," etc.) that may be regarded as stigmatizing. Further, most respondents, including PWUD, characterized their communities as largely unaware or dismissive of the bio-medical and sociocultural explanations for opioid use, drug injection and towards harm reduction services (e.g., syringe exchanges) and naloxone, which were frequently framed as undeserved usages of taxpayer funds. In conclusion, rural stigma against PWUD manifested and was framed as a substantial issue, notably activating at micro, meso and macro levels. Stigma prevention efforts in these communities should aim to improve public knowledge on the intricate factors contributing to opioid use and drug injection and harm reduction programming's moral and fiscal value.