Faculty Bibliography

Some grips on the handle of a tool can be planned on the basis of information directly available in the scene. Other grips, however, must be planned on the basis of the final position of the hand. "End-state comfort" grips require an awkward or uncomfortable initial grip so as to later implement the action comfortably and efficiently. From a cognitive perspective, planning for end-state comfort requires a consistent representation of the entire action sequence, including the latter part, which is not based on information directly available in the scene. Many investigators have found that young children fail to demonstrate planning for end-state comfort and that adultlike performance does not appear until about 12 years of age. In 2 experiments, we used a hammering task that engaged children in a goal-directed action with multiple steps. We assessed end-state-comfort planning in novel ways by measuring children's hand choice, grip choice, and tool implementation over multiple trials. The hammering task also uniquely allowed us to assess the efficiency of implementation. We replicated the previous developmental trend in 4-, 8-, and 12-year-old children with our novel task. Most important, our data revealed that 4-year-olds are in a transitional stage during which several competing strategies were exhibited during a single session. Preschoolers changed their grip within trials and across trials, indicating awareness of errors and a willingness to sacrifice speed for more efficient implementation. The end-state-comfort grip initially competes as one grip type among many but gradually displaces all others. Children's sensitivity to costs and drive for efficiency may motivate this change. (PsycINFO Database Record

The current study investigated age differences in free viewing gaze behavior. Adults and 6-, 9-, 12-, and 24-month-old infants watched a 60-s Sesame Street video clip while their eye movements were recorded. Adults displayed high inter-subject consistency in eye movements; they tended to fixate the same places at the same. Infants showed weaker consistency between observers and inter-subject consistency increased with age. Across age groups, the influence of both bottom-up features (fixating visually-salient areas) and top-down features (looking at faces) increased. Moreover, individual differences in fixating bottom-up and top-down features predicted whether infants' eye movements were consistent with those of adults, even when controlling for age. However, this relation was moderated by the number of faces available in the scene, suggesting that the development of adult-like viewing involves learning when to prioritize looking at bottom-up and top-down features.

Adults primarily walk to reach a new location, but why do infants walk? Do infants, like adults, walk to travel to a distant goal? We observed 30 13-month-old and 30 19-month-old infants during natural walking in a laboratory playroom. We characterized the bout structure of walking-when infants start and stop walking-to examine why infants start and stop walking. Locomotor activity was composed largely of brief spurts of walking. Half of 13-month-olds' bouts and 41% of 19-month-olds' bouts consisted of three or fewer steps-too few to carry infants to a distant goal. Most bouts ended in the middle of the floor, not at a recognizable goal. Survival analyses of the distribution of steps per bout indicated that the probability of continuing to walk was independent of the length of the ongoing bout; infants were just as likely to stop walking after five steps as after 50 steps and they showed no bias toward bouts long enough to carry them across the room to a goal. However, 13-month-olds showed an increased probability of stopping after 1-3 steps, and they did not initiate walking more frequently to compensate for their surfeit of short bouts. We propose that infants' natural walking is not intentionally directed at distant goals; rather, it is a stochastic process that serves exploratory functions. Relations between the bout structure of walking and other measures of walking suggest that locomotor exploration is constrained by walking skill in younger infants, but not in older infants.

Open data sharing promises to accelerate the pace of discovery in the developmental and learning sciences, but significant technical, policy, and cultural barriers have limited its adoption. As a result, most research on learning and development remains shrouded in a culture of isolation. Data sharing is the rare exception (Gilmore, 2016). Many researchers who study teaching and learning in classroom, laboratory, museum, and home contexts use video as a primary source of raw research data. Unlike other measures, video captures the complexity, richness, and diversity of behavior. Moreover, because video is self-documenting, it presents significant potential for reuse. However, the potential for reuse goes largely unrealized because videos are rarely shared. Research videos contain information about participants' identities making the materials challenging to share. The large size of video files, diversity of formats, and incompatible software tools pose technical challenges. The Databrary (databrary.org) digital library enables researchers who study learning and development to store, share, stream, and annotate videos. In this article, we describe how Databrary has overcome barriers to sharing research videos and associated data and metadata. Databrary has developed solutions for respecting participants' privacy; for storing, streaming, and sharing videos; and for managing videos and associated metadata. The Databrary experience suggests ways that videos and other identifiable data collected in the context of educational research might be shared. Open data sharing enabled by Databrary can serve as a catalyst for a truly multidisciplinary science of learning.

How do infants decide what to do at the brink of a precipice? Infants could use two sources of information to guide their actions: perceptual information generated by their own exploratory activity and social information offered by their caregivers. The current study investigated the role of locomotor experience in using social information-both encouragement and discouragement-for descending drop-offs. Mothers of 30 infants (experienced 12-month-old crawlers, novice 12-month-old walkers, and experienced 18-month-old walkers) encouraged and discouraged descent on a gradation of drop-offs (safe "steps" and risky "cliffs"). Novice walkers descended more frequently than experienced crawlers and walkers and fell while attempting to walk over impossibly high cliffs. All infants showed evidence of integrating perceptual and social information, but locomotor experience affected infants' use of social messages, especially on risky drop-offs. Experienced crawlers and walkers selectively deferred to social information when perceptual information is ambiguous. In contrast, novice walkers took mothers' advice inconsistently and only at extreme drop-offs.

Motor development-traditionally described in terms of age-related stages-is typically studied in the laboratory with participants of Western European descent. Cross-cultural studies typically focus on group differences in age-related stages relative to Western norms. We adopted a less traditional approach: We observed 5-month-olds and their mothers from six cultural groups around the world during one hour at home while they engaged in natural daily activities. We examined group differences in infants' sitting proficiency, everyday opportunities to practice sitting, the surfaces on which sitting took place, and mothers' proximity to sitting infants. Infants had opportunities to practice sitting in varied contexts-including ground, infant chairs, and raised surfaces. Proficiency varied considerably within and between cultural groups: 64% of the sample sat only with support from mother or furniture and 36% sat independently. Some infants sat unsupported for 20+ minutes, in some cases so securely that mothers moved beyond arms' reach of their infants even while infants sat on raised surfaces. Our observations of infant sitting across cultures provide new insights into the striking range of ability, varied opportunities for practice, and contextual factors that influence the proficiency of infant motor skills.

Visual exploration in infants and adults has been studied using two very different paradigms: free viewing of flat screen displays in desk-mounted eye-tracking studies and real-world visual guidance of action in head-mounted eye-tracking studies. To test whether classic findings from screen-based studies generalize to real-world visual exploration and to compare natural visual exploration in infants and adults, we tested observers in a new paradigm that combines critical aspects of both previous techniques: free viewing during real-world visual exploration. Mothers and their 9-month-old infants wore head-mounted eye trackers while mothers carried their infants in a forward-facing infant carrier through a series of indoor hallways. Demands for visual guidance of action were minimal in mothers and absent for infants, so both engaged in free viewing while moving through the environment. Similar to screen-based studies, during free viewing in the real world low-level saliency was related to gaze direction. In contrast to screen-based studies, only infants - not adults - were biased to look at people, participants of both ages did not show a classic center bias, and mothers and infants did not display high levels of inter-observer consistency. Results indicate that several aspects of visual exploration of a flat screen display do not generalize to visual exploration in the real world.