Faculty Bibliography

OBJECTIVE:To present and update available national and subnational estimates of injecting drug users (IDUs) in developing/transitional countries, and provide indicative estimates of gender and age distribution. METHODS:Literature review of both grey and published literature including updates from previously reported estimates on estimates of IDU population and data sources giving age and gender breakdowns. The scope area was developing/transitional countries and the reference period was 1998-2005. RESULTS:Estimates of IDU numbers were available in 105 countries and 243 subnational areas. The largest IDU populations were reported from Brazil, China, India, and Russia (0.8 m, 1.9 m, 1.1 m, and 1.6 m respectively). Subnational areas with the largest IDU populations (35,000-79,000) are: Warsaw (Poland); Barnadul, Irtkustk, Nizhny-Novgorod, Penza, Voronez, St Petersburg, and Volgograd (Russia); New Delhi and Mumbai (India); Jakarta (Indonesia), and Bangkok (Thailand). By region, Eastern Europe and Central Asia have the largest IDU prevalence (median 0.65%) (min 0.3%; max 2.2%; Q1 0.39%; Q3 1.32%) [corrected] followed by Asia and Pacific: 0.24% (min 0.004%; max 1.47%; Q1 0.14%; Q3 1.47%) [corrected] In the Middle East and Africa the median value equals 0.2% (min 0.0003%; max 0.35%; Q1 0.11%; Q3 0.23%) [corrected] and in Latin America and the Caribbean: 0.12% (min 0.11%; max 0.69%; Q1 0.04%; Q3 0.13%) [corrected] Subnational areas with the highest IDU prevalence among adults (8-14.9%) were Shymkent (Kazakhstan), Balti (Moldova), Astrakhan, Barnadul, Irtkustk, Khabarovsk, Kaliningrad, Naberezhnyje Chelny, Penza, Togliatti, Volgograd, Voronez, and Yaroslavl (Russia), Dushanbe (Tajikistan), Ashgabad (Turkmenistan), Ivano-Frankivsk and Pavlograd (Ukraine) and Imphal, Manipur (India). 66% (297/447) of the IDU estimates were reported without technical information. Data on the IDU age/gender distributions are also scarce or unavailable for many countries. In 11 Eastern European and Central Asian countries the age group <or=20-29 represented >50% of the total. The proportion of IDU men was 70%-90% in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, and there was a marked absence of data on women outside this region. CONCLUSION/CONCLUSIONS:Unfortunately data on IDU prevalence available to national and international policymakers is of an unknown and probably yet to be tested quality. This study provide baseline figures but steps need to be taken now to improve the reporting and assessment of these critical data.

Structural interventions refer to public health interventions that promote health by altering the structural context within which health is produced and reproduced. They draw on concepts from multiple disciplines, including public health, psychiatry, and psychology, in which attention to interventions is common, and sociology and political economy, where structure is a familiar, if contested, concept. This has meant that even as discussions of structural interventions bring together researchers from various fields, they can get stalled in debates over definitions. In this paper, we seek to move these discussions forward by highlighting a number of critical issues raised by structural interventions, and the subsequent implications of these for research.

Some, but not all, "big events" such as wars, revolutions, socioeconomic transitions, economic collapses, and ecological disasters in recent years seem to lead to large-scale HIV outbreaks (Friedman et al, in press; Hankins et al 2002). This was true of transitions in the USSR, South Africa and Indonesia, for example, but not those in the Philippines or (so far) in Argentina. It has been hypothesized that whether or not HIV outbreaks occur is shaped in part by the nature and extent of changes in the numbers of voluntary or involuntary risk-takers, which itself may be related to the growth of roles such as sex-sellers or drug sellers; the riskiness of the behaviors engaged in by risk-takers; and changes in sexual and injection networks and other "mixing patterns" variables. Each of these potential causal processes, in turn, is shaped by the nature of pre-existing social networks and the patterns and content of normative regulation and communication that happen within these social networks-and on how these social networks and their characteristics are changed by the "big event" in question. We will present ideas about what research is needed to help understand these events and to help guide both indigenous community-based efforts to prevent HIV outbreaks and also to guide those who organize external intervention efforts and aid.

In this oral history, 23 injection drug users (IDUs) were interviewed about the mid-1970s to mid-1980s when they could not legally purchase or possess syringes, and the threat of AIDS began to loom large. Several themes emerged, including: abrupt changes in syringe-sharing patterns; the effects of illnesses or deaths of others on their understanding of AIDS; and, racial/ethnic differences in responses to the threat of AIDS. Settings, such as "shooting galleries," helped HIV spread rapidly in the earliest stages of the city's AIDS epidemic. HIV entered the drug scene in the mid-1970s, just when IDUs were shifting from sharing homemade "works" (consisting of steel needles and syringes devised from rubber baby pacifiers and similar sources) among many IDUs to mass produced and distributed plastic, disposable needle and syringe sets. IDUs remember when they first became aware of AIDS and began to adjust their behaviors and social assumptions.

OBJECTIVE:To understand associations of punitive policies to the population prevalence of injection drug users and to HIV seroprevalence among injectors. DESIGN AND METHODS/METHODS:A lagged-cross-sectional analysis of metropolitan statistical area data. Estimates of drug injectors per capita and of HIV seroprevalence among injectors in 89 large US metropolitan areas were regressed on three measures of legal repressiveness (hard drug arrests per capita; police employees per capita; and corrections expenditures per capita) controlling for other metropolitan area characteristics. RESULTS:No legal repressiveness measures were associated with injectors per capita; all three measures of legal repressiveness were positively associated with HIV prevalence among injectors. CONCLUSIONS:These findings suggest that legal repressiveness may have little deterrent effect on drug injection and may have a high cost in terms of HIV and perhaps other diseases among injectors and their partners--and that alternative methods of maintaining social order should be investigated.

OBJECTIVES/OBJECTIVE:To determine the incidence/predictors of transitions to injecting among noninjecting heroin users (NIUs). METHODS:Street-recruited NIUs in New York City, March/1996-March/2003, were interviewed for a prospective cohort study about social network influence (communication promoting injecting; exposure to injectors) and individual susceptibility. A transition to injecting was the first drug injection following baseline. Hazards ratios (HRs) (P < 0.05) were estimated by Cox proportional hazards regression, stratified by baseline injecting history. RESULTS:Of 369 (64% of 579) followed, former-injectors were more likely to transition to injecting (33% or 53/160 vs. 12% or 25/209; 16.0/100 person-years-at-risk [pyar] vs. 4.6/100 pyar; HR = 3.25). Independent predictors among never-injectors included using > or =2 bags of heroin daily (HR = 7.0); social network influence (communication) and homelessness (HR = 6.3); shorter-term heroin use (HR = 5.3); social network influence (exposure) and physically abused (HR = 4.7); friends approve/condone drug injecting (HR = 3.5); lower perceived social distance from injectors (HR = 2.9); and younger age at first heroin use (HR = 1.2). Independent predictors among former-injectors were social network influence (communication) and lower perceived social distance from injectors (HR = 3.4); white race/ethnicity (HR = 2.0); not very afraid of needles (HR = 1.8); and younger age (HR = 1.1). CONCLUSIONS:The risk of initiating injecting was lower than the risk of resuming injecting. Social network influence facilitates transitioning to injecting among those susceptible. Interventions to prevent injecting should address both social network influence and individual susceptibility.

We examined the diffusion of the D.A.R.E program to reduce use of illicit drugs among school-aged children and youths and the diffusion of syringe exchange programs to reduce HIV transmission among injection drug users. The D.A.R.E program was diffused widely in the United States despite a lack of evidence for its effectiveness; there has been limited diffusion of syringe exchange in the United States, despite extensive scientific evidence for its effectiveness. Multiple possible associations between diffusion and evidence of effectiveness exist, from widespread diffusion without evidence of effectiveness to limited diffusion with strong evidence of effectiveness. The decision theory concepts of framing and loss aversion may be useful for further research on the diffusion of public health innovations.